I'm not sure
if Judge Posner is right. But he is a brilliant mind whose work is always worth taking seriously. And the argument he makes explores the political-theological concerns we study at
American Creation. A taste:
THE CONSTITUTION of the United States has its passionate votaries—none more so than Akhil Reed Amar of Yale Law School—as does the Bible.
But both sets of worshippers face the embarrassment of having to treat
an old, and therefore dated, document as authoritative. Neither set’s
members are willing to say that because it is old, and therefore dated,
it is not authoritative. Some say it is old but not dated; they are the
constitutional and Biblical literalists. But most of the worshippers
admit, though not always out loud, that their holy book is dated and
must therefore be updated (without altering the text) so as to preserve
its authority. They use various techniques for updating. One is
misinterpretation. Another is loose interpretation, which can be thought
a form of realism. Amar, who is merely dismissive of conservative
textualists and originalists, is harshly and unfairly critical of
realist judges such as Oliver Wendell Holmes and realist professors such
as David Strauss, lest he be confused with them.
Amar’s method of updating, which is also the one the Catholic
Church applies to the Bible, is supplementation from equally
authoritative sources. The Church believes that a Pope receives divine
inspirations that enable him to proclaim dogmas that are infallible and
thus have equal authority with the Bible. Jesus Christ’s mother does not
play a prominent role in the New Testament, but she became a focus of
Catholic veneration, and in 1854 the Pope proclaimed the dogma of Mary’s
Immaculate Conception (that is, that she had been born without original
sin). This and other extra-Biblical Catholic dogmas, such as the Nicene
Creed, which proclaimed the consubstantiality of the Son and the
Father, form a kind of parallel Bible, equal in authority to the written
one, which reached its modern form in the third century C.E.
This is the line taken by Amar. Alongside the written Constitution is an unwritten constitution. They are consubstantial. The
Constitution, like the teachings of the Catholic Church, is a composite
of a founding document and a variety of supplementary practices and
declarations (many of course in writing also). No matter how wild Amar’s
constitutional views may seem, he claims that they are in this
two-in-one constitution; that he did not put them there.
Actually, despite the book’s title, it is not two in one—it is twelve
in one. There is not just one unwritten constitution, in Amar’s
reckoning; there are eleven of them. There is an “implicit”
constitution, a “lived” constitution, a “Warrented” constitution (the
reference is to Earl Warren), a “doctrinal” constitution, a “symbolic”
constitution, a “feminist” constitution, a “Georgian” constitution (the
reference is to George Washington), an “institutional” constitution, a
“partisan” constitution (the reference is to political parties, which
are not mentioned in the written Constitution), a “conscientious”
constitution (which, for example, permits judges and jurors to ignore valid
law), and an “unfinished” constitution that Amar is busy finishing. All
these unwritten constitutions, in Amar’s view, are authoritative. And
miraculously, when correctly interpreted, they all cohere, both with
each other and with the written Constitution. The sum of the twelve
constitutions is the Constitution.
One is tempted to say that this is preposterous, and
leave it at that. But it is an attempt to respond to the felt need of
professors of constitutional law, and of judges who rule on
constitutional cases (particularly Supreme Court justices), to find, or
at least to assert, an objective basis for constitutional decisions. On
the eve of the Supreme Court’s decision on the constitutionality of the
Affordable Care Act—a time of liberal panic—Amar was quoted as saying
that if the Court invalidated the act “then yes, it’s disheartening to
me, because my life was a fraud. Here I was, in my silly little office,
thinking law mattered, and it really didn’t. What mattered was politics,
money, party, and party loyalty.” But the constitutional “law” that
matters to Amar is not what other lawyers understand law to be. It is a
palimpsest of twelve constitutions, only one of which is real.
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