[Editor's Note: Below is a guest post by Dr. Carl J. Richard on the thesis of his new book.]
In sharp contrast to numerous books that focus
obsessively on a few founders, implying falsely that their beliefs were
typical of their class and generation, my forthcoming book,
The Founders and the Bible
(Rowman & Littlefield, April 2016), examines the religious
beliefs of approximately thirty founders of the United States. What I
demonstrate is that while four founders (Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson,
Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams) possessed biblically unorthodox
beliefs concerning the divine origins and authority of Scripture, the
divinity of Jesus, and the means of salvation, three (George Washington,
James Madison, and James Monroe) wrote so little about these matters
that no honest historian can make confident assertions about them, and
the other twenty-three were all biblically orthodox. In other words,
the ratio of orthodox to unorthodox founders among the thirty leaders
examined was nearly six to one.
Furthermore, one
of the most important findings of the book is that none of the founders
was a deist, at least not if one defines deism in the conventional
manner, to refer to the belief in a God who created the universe but
does not intervene in it. Even the least orthodox founders believed in
an omniscient, omnipotent God much like the deity of the Bible, who not only invested each individual with inalienable rights but also
intervened in the affairs of individuals, societies, and nations to
enforce those rights, as well as to advance other goods necessary to
human happiness. The only difference between the orthodox and unorthodox
founders concerning divine intervention was that the latter rejected
the idea that God intervened through miracles, asserting instead that He
intervened solely through natural causes.
The
image of even the least orthodox founders as modern secularists is a
false conception that wrenches them from the historical and cultural
context in which they lived. The founders were steeped in a culture
that revered the Bible as the Word of God. Many were raised by devout
parents who named them after biblical figures, and many were closely
related to ministers. At least two founders, James Madison and John
Adams (who married a preacher’s daughter), seriously considered a career
in the ministry before deciding on law, and a third, John Witherspoon,
was one of the most prominent clergymen in America.
Like
most children of their day, the founders probably learned to read by
means of the Bible, the latter testament of which they then studied in
its original Greek language at their grammar schools and colleges. Most
attended church services regularly, where they listened to sermons that
lasted for hours, addresses that mingled numerous scriptures with
classical learning. Many married devout wives. They lived in a society
filled with biblical place names and expressions, a society rocked by
the Great Awakening, which constituted one of the primary causes of the
American Revolution, uniting Americans of different denominations and
regions around the same biblical themes, the danger of corruption and
the existence of a divine mission, that had motivated the Puritans over a
century earlier.
Although a few of the
founders rejected important biblical doctrines, they were almost
unanimous in asserting the Bible’s central role in promoting the social
morality they deemed essential to the survival and success of the new
republic. Thus, most not only urged their own children to read
Scripture and to attend church services in which it was recited but also
worked to disseminate biblical knowledge more broadly. Elias Boudinot,
who served as president of the Continental Congress, later established
the American Bible Society, which distributed Bibles to the poor. While
John Jay, the nation’s first Supreme Court chief justice, served as the
organization’s president, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, a signer of the
Constitution and a two-time presidential nominee of the Federalist
Party, served as one of its vice-presidents, in which capacity he boldly
defied slaveholders’ attacks on the organization for dispensing Bibles
to African Americans, a policy for which the slaveholders blamed the
Denmark Vesey slave revolt.
Both
Benjamin Rush and Samuel Adams urged the continued reading of the Bible
in public schools. Rush started a Sunday school movement and founded
the Philadelphia Bible Society. George Washington consistently supported
the preaching of the gospel to Native Americans, not merely for reasons
of national interest, but also for what he sincerely regarded as their
own good. Even Thomas Jefferson endorsed adult Bible reading for moral
reasons and contributed a large sum to the American Bible Society.
Even
the least orthodox founders (with the sole exception of Thomas Paine in
his later years) considered the Bible a source of wisdom and valued the
lessons they derived from it. They employed biblical references and
analogies in private letters as frequently as in public documents
because Scripture formed an important part of their stock of knowledge,
their way of making sense of the world. Its influence in their society
was too pervasive to permit them to ignore or dismiss it, even had they
wished to do so. Instead, they grappled with the Bible unceasingly, and
while the end result of that lifelong engagement by the unorthodox
founders included the discarding of some important doctrines, it also
produced a deepening of Scripture’s rhetorical, moral, and spiritual
imprint on their minds.
That imprint not
only influenced the founders’ self-perceptions but proved crucial to the
outcome of national debates. In the colonial period Benjamin Franklin
viewed himself as an American Solomon, dispensing practical advice in
the form of proverbs as Poor Richard. In 1776, as the leading orator
for independence in Congress, John Adams considered himself a latter-day
Moses, leading his people from Egyptian-style bondage at the hands of
Britain to freedom and independence, although most Americans bestowed
that appellation on George Washington. In the same year Thomas Paine
succeeded in persuading Americans to declare their independence largely
by convincing them that God condemned monarchy in 1 Samuel 8.
As
a result of the founders’ unanimous belief in an interventionist God,
all except Thomas Paine believed in the efficacy of prayer and therefore
frequently called for public and private prayer both in times of crisis
and in periods of peace and prosperity. The most famous such appeal was
Benjamin Franklin’s emotional speech urging daily prayer at the
Constitutional Convention, a plea he based on his personal experience
that “God governs in the affairs of men.” In the original manuscript for
the speech Franklin underscored the whole sentence once, “God” twice.
The
founders considered the United States a new Israel, a nation chosen by
God to accomplish a sacred purpose. They believed that the United States
was destined by the Almighty to advance the cause of freedom by
erecting a model republic that would provide a haven for the world’s
oppressed. This belief in a divine mission gave them a sense of
identity and purpose and the courage to face the enormous trials of
their day. They believed that God led them to victory, against
staggering odds, over Great Britain in the Revolutionary War.
Many
of them considered the U.S. Constitution another divine gift, the
usually reticent James Madison even going so far as to call it “a
miracle” in a private letter to Jefferson. Yet many of the founders
also worried that the same intervening God might punish the nation for
its greatest violation of the covenant of liberty, its institution of
slavery.
The founders considered Christian morality
superior to all other ethical systems, past and present, due to its
promotion of humility, benevolence, and forgiveness, and considered
religion and morality, defined largely in Judeo-Christian terms, vital
to the survival and success of any republic. Despite his rejection of
portions of the Bible, Thomas Jefferson was particularly emphatic
regarding the superiority of Christian ethics, which was why he invested
so much time in distilling its essence in his own abbreviated Bible.
Even
Thomas Paine, the sole founder who denied the superiority of Christian
morality, defined virtue precisely as Jesus had, as the fulfillment of
duty to God and to one’s neighbor, while almost comically refusing to
acknowledge the obvious source of this principle. Except for Jefferson
and Paine, the founders were adamant that the widespread belief in an
omniscient God who rewarded virtue and punished vice was essential to
republican government, and even Jefferson conceded that while such a
belief might not be essential, it provided a powerful inducement to
virtue. Despite their own private doubts regarding certain biblical
doctrines, both Benjamin Franklin and John Adams reacted with great fury
when anyone assaulted the Bible publicly because they viewed popular
belief in it as one of the chief pillars of the republic and dreaded its
collapse.
The founders also shared crucial
beliefs in the biblical concepts of human equality before God, free
will, and the existence of an afterlife that included rewards and
punishments. The founders’ belief in spiritual equality derived from
the biblical concept of a single creation, a concept that contrasted
sharply with contemporary, racist, European theories of separate
creations of different human species on various continents. It led the
founders to abolish slavery throughout the North and to end the foreign
slave trade, though they were unable to end the institution in the
South, where it was more deeply entrenched socially and economically.
John Witherspoon and William Livingston were instrumental in abolishing
slavery in New Jersey, as were Benjamin Rush, Thomas Paine, and Benjamin
Franklin in Pennsylvania, and John Jay and Alexander Hamilton in New
York. Despite being a slaveholder himself, Jefferson succeeded in
persuading Congress to prohibit slavery in the Northwest Territory (the
land north of the Ohio River) as a first step towards his goal of ending
it nationally. George Washington freed and provided for his own slaves
in his will. Many of the founders used scriptural arguments to condemn
slavery and denounced all efforts to employ biblical passages in its
favor.
Despite living in a
Calvinist nation, they also cited biblical references against
predestination and in support of free will, a belief that imbued them
with a strong sense of responsibility for the outcome of events. All of
the founders, even the least orthodox, expressed a belief in an
afterlife characterized by divine rewards and punishments that was
clearly based on biblical teaching. This belief provided the founders
with priceless consolation for the deaths of their loved ones and
motivated them to hazard all for their fellow citizens. Alexander
Hamilton’s confidence in the existence of such an afterlife led him to
sacrifice his life rather than return Aaron Burr’s gunfire in their
famous duel.
The founders’ conception of
what they termed divine “Providence” extended to their own personal
lives. It comforted them amid misfortunes and motivated them to
sacrifice everything for the cause of liberty in a revolution against
the greatest power on earth and in the establishment of a sound and
durable republic. As the Declaration of Independence noted, “a firm
reliance on the protection of Divine Providence” was the chief source of
their willingness to sacrifice their lives and fortunes. Even after
Paine wrote a tome attacking the Bible, he continued to assert a strong
belief in its most important concept: the existence of an omniscient,
omnipotent, benevolent God who intervened on behalf of individuals and
nations.
Indeed, Paine credited
his own survival of the French Revolution to divine protection, a claim
that flatly contradicted a central tenet of deism. The founders
overcame the greatest misfortunes, such as the death of a fiancée
(Charles Carroll) or a small child (John Marshall and John Jay), by
interpreting them as God’s way of teaching wisdom, fortitude,
compassion, humility, and the futility of a life focused on fleeting
earthly pleasures rather than on eternity.
The orthodox
majority, joined by the unorthodox John Adams and the generally
reticent Washington and Madison, strongly espoused a view of human
nature that was fundamentally biblical. This pessimistic conception of
human nature encouraged them to oppose British claims to unchecked power
during the Revolutionary era and led them to establish elaborate
systems of checks and balances in both state and federal constitutions
thereafter.
Even the founders’ shared
advocacy of religious freedom, variously defined but always including
the right to worship freely in the manner of an individual’s own
choosing, was based on the Bible’s emphasis on the importance of the
individual’s relationship with an omniscient God who cared deeply about
His creatures’ inner beliefs. No government had the authority to
interpose itself between the individual and his creator, the founders
frequently declared. Furthermore, they often noted that both Jesus
Himself and His disciples in the early Church never compelled anyone to
express any belief but relied solely on the power of the Holy Spirit to
attract people to the faith according to their own free will.
In The Founders and the Bible
I discuss the educational system, familial influences, church
experience, and social conditions that immersed the founders in the
Bible, their lifelong engagement with Scripture, their
biblically-infused political rhetoric, their powerful belief in a divine
Providence that protected them and guided the nation, their belief in
the superiority of Christian ethics and in the necessity of religion to
republican government, their belief in spiritual equality, free will,
and an afterlife, their religious differences, the influence of their
biblical conception of human nature on their formulation of state and
federal constitutions, and their use of biblical precedent to advance
religious freedom. I conclude by summarizing the manner in which the
subsequent generation of Americans carried these themes to new heights,
in the process transforming American society.